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"The European Security and Defence Policy: how to deal with the new threats"


"The European Security and Defence Policy:
how to deal with the new threats"

Introductory address

by

Mr John Wilkinson

Chairman of the Defence Committee

Señora Alcaldesa, Señor Presidente de la Generalitat Valenciana, Señor Camps, Señor Guillermo Martínez Casañ, Jefe de la delegación españole.

The President of the Assembly has asked me to apologise to you for not being present this morning. The President of the Democratic Republic of Congo, Mr Laurent KABILA, is visiting Brussels and the Belgian Prime Minister, Guy VERHOFSTADT, has asked Armand DE DECKER to be present for a series of discussions.

Mr De Decker very much regrets not being present at this important seminar on a subject which is at the very heart of the Assembly's preoccupations.

In particular, he has asked me to welcome Señora Ana PALACIO, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Spain, and address his thanks to the Regional and Municipal authorities for their support and hospitality, to the Spanish Parliament and especially to the Spanish Delegation so ably led by our friend and colleague, Guillermo MARTÍNEZ CASAÑ.

Muchas gracias a todos.

Today and tomorrow, the debate will focus on some specific aspects of the European Security Strategy, in particular the fight against the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and the fight against terrorism, but also on cooperation with southern Mediterranean countries which is a key element in European strategy to build security in an area which more northern members of the EU sometimes underplay.

An opinion survey carried out in five big European countries in November 2003 showed that for the vast majority of Europeans international terrorism continues to be the primary threat to peace and security, with the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction in second place.

The same survey showed that a common European defence policy is considered desirable by a large majority of Europeans. Our role in WEU is to react to that preoccupation politically. Hence our professional interest in the ESDP.

In the fight against the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction we have seen some very significant progress, with Iran signing up for nuclear inspections by the International Atomic Energy Agency and Libya abandoning its weapons of mass destruction and halting the programmes to develop them. A thorough analysis of what went on in this field in Iraq is continuing.

But we are far from the objective of total control over proliferation. North Korea remains a real worry. Even individual scientists can still do a great deal of harm as demonstrated by the case of a Pakistani nuclear scientist who has admitted that, at his own initiative, he shared nuclear weapons technology with other countries without any authorisation. Here again many questions are as yet unanswered.

In the fight against terrorism there is no doubt more awareness of the threat and more cooperation between states on a wider scale, but even so much remains to be done. This is a formidable challenge to the political will and persistence of our democratic states.

The European Security Strategy rightly points out that none of the new threats is purely military and that none of them can be tackled by purely military means. Earlier last year the Assembly had already taken that same view. Its politico/military cooperative role is very relevant to concerting European efforts in this field.

To counter each of these threats, a comprehensive set of instruments is needed. Europe has all the tools at its disposal to respond to multi-faceted situations, but it is a fact that its military capabilities are the weakest component. Reinforcing those capabilities is therefore vital in the years to come if Europe is really determined to protect its citizens against future threats. The reality of our capabilities has to begin to match the eloquence of our rhetoric.

The Assembly has also taken the view that the EU should help to ensure compliance with the principles of the UN Charter and to see to it that they are not undermined by unilateral action.

Recent developments in international relations have prompted a wide-ranging debate on the justification of unilateral initiatives and pre-emptive or preventive action. There is no universal agreement as to the legality of anticipatory self-defence. Our discussions today and tomorrow will not conclude this debate, but they may make a contribution and help gain a better understanding of all the arguments. However the advantages of surprise do not rest with the enemies of democracy alone.

The third issue to be discussed during the seminar is cooperation with the southern Mediterranean countries.


In its reports the Assembly has often pointed to the need for close and cooperative relations with the non-EU countries on the borders of the Mediterranean. It is aware of the vital importance of the Barcelona Process established in 1995 and its revitalisation through the Valencia Action Plan, drawn up by the Fifth Euro-Mediterranean Conference of Foreign Ministers in April 2002.

Everyone knows, however, that the continuing Arab-Israeli conflict is having a devastating effect on full, parallel development of the three separate chapters of the Barcelona Process. This is also preventing the adoption of a Euro-Mediterranean Charter for Peace and Stability. We think that the development of sub-regional cooperation and partnership with the countries of the southern Mediterranean could yield positive results sooner and pave the way for more extensive cooperation in the future.

But even in the countries of this region, many problems still remain unsolved. Here I will mention the Western Sahara, abject poverty, poor economic prospects for the majority of the population and the possible rise of more radical Islamic movements, all of which constitute a threat to stability. The growing mismatch between the aspirations of the younger generation and the opportunities for their fulfilment can easily lead to alienation, apathy and discontent.

Demographic pressures, uneven economic development and social and political instability are increasing the numbers of migrants from the southern Mediterranean. The Assembly takes the view that the EU's immigration policy should not be based solely on reactive control but that it should also make provision for better cooperative management of the flow of legal migrants and in particular for their integration into their new environment through the development of economic and social programmes.

In building a cooperative system across the Mediterranean region, where north-south relations tend to be predicated on non-military factors, the accent should be on confidence-building measures in the political, economic and cultural fields, essentially with the aim of promoting regional cooperation, sustainable economic growth, human rights, democracy and cultural understanding. However, the military dimension remains crucial and is at the heart of WEU's raison d'être.

I trust that our seminar with an impressive list of expert speakers will help all the participants to concentrate their minds on the best way to attain these objectives!


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